Notes on Internet Privacy

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And Then They Held the Vote

Azad Kashmir elected a prime minister this afternoon, under a twelve-week blackout the global outage graphs barely see, with seven constituencies never polled.

A few bars, up a mountain

To talk to France 24, a man the network calls Usman climbs into the mountains above Rawalakot, in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, until his phone catches a few bars of signal from outside the region. That climb is the most precise measurement anyone has of the blackout: its edge is partway up a mountain.

Azad Jammu and Kashmir — Azad Kashmir, the part of Kashmir Pakistan administers — has been substantially offline since 5 June. That day the government announced elections and suspended what Amnesty International called "all internet and mobile network signals in the region" — a seven-day order that is now in its thirteenth week — and its Home Department listed the Joint Awami Action Committee, the protest movement known as the JAAC, as a proscribed organization under its Anti-Terrorism Act. A UK-based verification group, the Jammu Kashmir Human Rights Observatory (JKHRO), has verified 89 civilian deaths since then, as of early August. The government fixed a 10-million-rupee reward — "head money," as the Pakistani daily Dawn reported it — for information leading to the arrest of four of the movement's leaders; Shaukat Nawaz Mir has since been detained. And this afternoon, under that blackout, the new assembly elected a prime minister. What none of the coverage explains is why the rest of the world's dashboards say nothing is wrong.

Flat at half-mast

IODA, Georgia Tech's internet-outage observatory, counts network blocks that answer probes. Its event detector still holds one outage open for Azad Kashmir: started 5 June at 18:40 UTC, now on day 84. Across the three big public observatories — IODA, the censorship-measurement network OONI, and Cloudflare Radar — that event is the only place this blackout registers, and it registers only if you query one region code, 3083, and compare against a baseline from spring.

Look at the last two weeks of the chart and you see a flat line — flat at 42 to 48 responsive blocks, against a March-to-June median of 99. Twelve weeks in, half the region's network is the new baseline.

Vote day read a median of 45 responsive blocks, against a pre-June baseline of 99.
Vote day read a median of 45 responsive blocks, against a pre-June baseline of 99.

Every other layer shows nothing. At the BGP layer — the routing table the global internet actually sees — the blackout barely exists: the June cliff that halved the region's responsiveness withdrew about fifteen of 290 announced address blocks, and 287 are announced today. At country level, Azad Kashmir's loss disappears into Pakistan's daily noise. And the mobile networks, the layer the shutdown actually rides on, are not measurable in Azad Kashmir at all: exactly three networks geolocate to the region — the military-run Special Communications Organization, the national carrier PTCL, and a small ISP called Sky Telecom — and none of them is a mobile operator. A mobile shutdown there is invisible by construction.

OONI is no better off: its volunteer model needs a probe running inside the network being censored — and its entire history for Sky Telecom, the one measurable Azad Kashmir-only ISP, is 267 measurements across two days in August 2024. Someone did start running a probe on the Special Communications Organization's network on 7 August this year — with Al Jazeera's website failing in all 98 attempts — but that network spans both Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, and the data cannot say which side of the mountains the probe sits on. The websites of the JAAC, of the JKHRO, and of Jeddojehad, the Urdu paper documenting the deaths, have never been tested from Pakistan.

The instrument that still works

What replaces measurement is verification, one video at a time. France 24's Observers team matched a video of men in dark uniforms stepping out of a police vehicle and firing toward a crowd to a specific stretch of Mian Muhammad Road in Mirpur, "by identifying the towers and billboards visible in the video." The JKHRO toll is built the same way — case by case, with names: 44 verified deaths from 5 June to 26 July, 45 more from 27 July on, four still unconfirmed. The authorities have published no figures at all.

What the footage cannot carry is the slow damage. Banking in the region has been down since 5 June, a JKHRO member told France 24; a hospital blood test may never reach its result; the schools are closed.

A dead Ranger, and a written answer

The violence is not one-sided, and the state's case deserves its full weight. On Wednesday a member of the Pakistan Rangers was killed when armed men opened fire during a road-clearance operation. The information ministry, in a written statement to France 24 dated 26 August, says the authorities have "repeatedly placed evidence on record" of automatic weapons, hostage-taking and torture, and that its restrictions on communications were "calibrated, limited to areas affected by violence and imposed only for the period considered necessary for public safety." The JAAC denies using violence.

What the public-safety reading cannot explain is the calibration. The shutdown began not on a day of violence but on the day the election was announced — the same day as the terror listing. It has now outlived the 10 August final polling day by eighteen days, everywhere at once. The state's response is calibrated to something; the record says it is information, not violence.

The permission slip

The other sensor is people, and people have been licensed. Since 4 August, anyone working for foreign media — Pakistani citizens included — needs a No Objection Certificate from the information ministry to report outside Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. The Diplomat reports the requirement now reaches "coverage of any news" in the region. Citizens who post protest footage have been put on a terrorist watch list, France 24 reports — which blocks their bank accounts, SIM cards and identity documents. Jeddojehad's editor, Farooq Sulehria, was in London when security agencies raided his home and detained three of his family members; they told the family his articles on Kashmir were "anti-national." He cannot go back. The ministry, in the same written statement, calls the certificates "regulatory and procedural measures."

No order, on day 84

Nobody has ever published an order for any of this. On day 84, the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority's website mentions neither a suspension nor Kashmir anywhere on its front page, and the Azad Kashmir government's own site answers every request from here with a wall. A blackout with no instrument, on networks no graph can see, in a region reporters need a certificate to enter.

Chosen in Islamabad

The man the assembly elected today was not chosen in Muzaffarabad, the region's capital. Late Wednesday night, at the Prime Minister's House in Islamabad, Pakistan's prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, told four senior Azad Kashmir men from his party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, that his elder brother, party supremo Nawaz Sharif, had decided the nomination: Barrister Syed Iftikhar Ali Gillani, a 46-year-old the party's own regional leadership had not asked for. The party's Azad Kashmir president, Shah Ghulam Qadir, and a former prime minister of the region, Raja Farooq Haider, objected and said they would stay away from the vote.

Gillani holds no constituency. He lost his assembly seat in 2021, and entered the new assembly on 24 August through a reserved seat — the one set aside for technocrats, filled by the members rather than the voters. Dawn's same-day profile describes the arc: "a return through a reserved seat and, finally, a decision made at the very top of the party."

The chamber at two o'clock

At two o'clock this afternoon, the assembly convened in Muzaffarabad and elected Gillani prime minister by 30 votes to 14 over the Pakistan Peoples Party's Sardar Mukhtar Ahmed Abbasi. Forty-four votes, not forty-six: the speaker does not vote, and Qadir made good on his objection and stayed away — the winning party's own regional president. Haider, the other objector, entered and voted. The ministry's statement, issued two days before the vote, says "the electoral process in AJK has since been completed" and internet restrictions are "being progressively normalized." Dawn's count of the chamber says what "completed" means: the assembly seats 53, and its present strength is 46, because seven seats have never been polled. Polling's third phase — all eleven constituencies of Poonch Division — was allowed to proceed only in two of its districts, Bagh and Haveli; the election commission cited law and order. Five seats in Poonch district itself and two in Sudhnoti, the protest belt around Rawalakot, have never voted. The PPP, which alleges widespread rigging, put up its candidate anyway.

The same statement says internet services "remained available in the majority of areas." The chart nobody is expected to read says Azad Kashmir has answered at less than half its March level for twelve straight weeks; through the hour of the count it read 45. They cut the internet, banned the movement, licensed the press — and then held the vote.

Rawalakot has no elected member and, as far as anyone outside can measure, no internet. The graphs are flat. The ministry says normal. And a man climbs a mountain to send a text.

References (9 sources)

References

  • Measurement (this desk, 28 Aug 2026 — three dated pulls): IODA v2 API, Georgia Tech.

(1) Baseline and full-window pull, morning ~10:16 UTC: signals/raw/region/3083 ping-slash24 1 Jun–28 Aug (daily medians 42–48 every day of August; pre-blackout 94–99; restoration week peaking 84 on 30 Jul) and 1 Mar–5 Jun baseline (median 99.0, n=13,962 ten-minute points) — the pre-June baseline of 99 rests on this pull alone; bgp 1 Jun–28 Aug (290 pre-blackout → 274–277 blackout-era → 287 since 5 Aug); entities/query?entityType=asn&relatedTo=region/3083 — exactly three ASNs: AS18053 Special Communication Organization (6,912 IPs), AS17557 Pakistan Telecom Company Ltd, AS55453 Sky Telecom (3,840 IPs); signals/raw/asn/55453 — baseline median 9 (Mar–Jun), median 1 since 30 Jul; country-level PK ping-slash24 1–10 Jun: daily medians ~6,780 → ~6,710. (2) Evening re-probe ~20:10 UTC: 28 Aug median 45.0 through ~12:30 UTC; outages/events?entityType=region&entityCode=3083 — one ping-slash24 event, start 2026-06-05T18:40Z, still open, day 84. (3) Pre-publish probe, 13:05 UTC: 28 Aug median 45.0 (n=78 ten-minute points), latest reading 44; daily medians 24–27 Aug 43.0/45.0/46.0/44.0; the 5 June event still open (duration clipped 83.77 d at the query window). Raw JSON in scratchpad/c28-13/, scratchpad/c282-08/, and the writer's scratchpad (ioda-3083-prewrite.json, ioda-3083-events-prewrite.json). Clients: direct curl.

  • Measurement (desk-lead independent confirmation, 28 Aug 2026, logged ~13:0x CDT, curl):

own 7-day pull of signals/raw/region/3083, three datasources — bgp n=2,011, median 287 (range 278–287); ping-slash24 n=1,008, median 44 (range 36–54); merit-nt ~0. Reproduces the spine independently of the desk's pulls: routing table full, reachability halved, darknet silent. The 7-day window does not reach the pre-June baseline, which rests on the desk's 1 Mar–5 Jun pull dated above.

  • Measurement (this desk, 28 Aug 2026): OONI aggregation API — probe_cc=PK,

probe_asn=AS55453: 267 measurements ever, all 22–23 Aug 2024, zero since; probe_asn=AS18053: 15,411 measurements 7–27 Aug 2026, incl. www.aljazeera.com 98 measurements / 0 ok (re-checked this evening, unchanged), foreignpolicy.com 0 ok of 102; no published measurements yet for 28 Aug (a bounded null — upload lag and silence indistinguishable); domains jkjaac.co, jkhro.org, jeddojehad.com: zero measurements from PK, 1 Jun–29 Aug 2026.

  • Bounds (this desk, 28 Aug): Cloudflare Radar radar/annotations/outages unauthenticated →

error 9106; radar.cloudflare.com/outage-center via r.jina.ai → JS shell (parser limit); Radar's location axis is ISO countries. pta.gov.pk → HTTP 200 to curl with a Chrome UA, homepage contains no occurrence of "suspension" or "Kashmir" (homepage only); ajk.gov.pk and ec.ajk.gov.pk → HTTP 403 Cloudflare block to curl-UA and r.jina.ai.

  • Dawn, "PML-N's Syed Iftikhar Ali Gillani elected new AJK prime minister," Tariq Naqash,

Muzaffarabad, 28 Aug 2026, 15:37 PKT, re-fetched at press time ~13:00 UTC — every digit unchanged (30 of 44 votes; Abbasi 14; present strength 46 of 53; seven Poonch/Sudhnoti seats unheld; the Islamabad nomination meeting; phase mechanics). Dunya News, "PML-N's Iftikhar Gilani elected new AJK prime minister," 28 Aug 2026 (30–14; 44 members besides the Speaker participated; technocrat seat) — independent confirmation of the tallies. Dawn, "Who is Syed Iftikhar Ali Gillani, the new prime minister of AJK?", 28 Aug 2026 (2021 seat loss; "a return through a reserved seat"). Dawn, "Newly elected members of AJK Legislative Assembly take oath of office," 24 Aug 2026 (Article 22(1): eight members "chosen by directly elected representatives"; Gillani's technocrat-seat election, 26 votes; 38 of 45 direct members participating). Dawn and Dunya read raw via r.jina.ai / pulse-desk pull.

  • France 24 Observers, "Pakistan: Protests continue in Azad Kashmir despite repression and

internet blackout," 27 Aug 2026, 16:04 UTC (Usman's mountain; JKHRO; geolocated video at Mian Muhammad Road, Mirpur, 33°08'49.3"N 73°44'53.8"E; the watch list blocking bank accounts, SIM cards and identity documents; seven constituencies postponed).

  • Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Islamabad, "Response… regarding the situation in Azad

Jammu and Kashmir," 26 Aug 2026 — 1-page statement to France 24, PDF fetched and archived (all ministry quotations; "progressively normalized"; "majority of areas"; "the electoral process in AJK has since been completed"; NOC defense).

  • Jammu Kashmir Human Rights Observatory, "JKHRO Updates Verified Civilian Death Toll to 89…,"

5 Aug 2026 (44 + 45 verified, 4 unconfirmed, 93 reported; named cases).

  • The Diplomat, "Pakistan's Kashmir Crackdown," Kunwar Khuldune Shahid, 26 Aug 2026 (at least 80

killed over three months; NOC "for coverage of any news"; Farooq Sulehria quotes; Shaukat Nawaz Mir's detention; Rawalakot inaccessible, media barred).

  • ABC News Pakistan, "AJK govt bans Joint Awami Action Committee under Anti-Terrorism Act,"

5 Jun 2026 (Home Department notification quoted: section 12, AJK Anti-Terrorism Act 2014, First Schedule).

  • Dawn: "Sedition cases, 'head money' against JAAC leaders ordered," 10 Jun 2026 (Rs10m, four

names); "Fourth Schedule: Combating terrorism or silencing dissent?", 16 Oct 2024 (listing mechanics).

  • Amnesty International, "Pakistan: 'Terrorism' designation of protest movement marks dangerous

escalation…," Jun 2026 (Isabelle Lassee; 5 Jun suspension of "all internet and mobile network signals… until 12 June"; Shahzeb Habib).

  • Geo News / Dunya News / Aaj / Daily Pakistan / 24NewsHD / Arab News, 26–27 Aug 2026 (Rangers

member killed, one wounded, during a road-clearance operation — title-level, six outlets).

  • URnetwork, "Connectivity Was Lent," 6 Aug 2026 (the election-staged restoration arc; the

31 Jul re-blackout; the unsigned order; Sky Telecom's switch-off — background edition).

Further Discussion

The blackout wasn't during the election. It was the election.

Put the dates in a row and the euphemism collapses. Azad Kashmir's internet did not go dark during some spasm of street violence. It went dark on 5 June — the day the government announced the election, and the same day its Home Department listed the Joint Awami Action Committee, the protest movement, as a terrorist organization. Not a day of documented bloodshed; a day of paperwork. The election calendar and the blackout order were born as twins, and everything since has behaved like it. A public-safety measure tracks the safety problem. This one tracked the polling schedule. The final polling day was 10 August. The blackout has now outlived it by eighteen days — not in one troubled district but everywhere at once, a region of four and a half million answering the world's probes at 45 network blocks against a pre-June baseline of 99, straight through the hour of Friday's count. If the danger justified darkness in June, what justified it on 28 August, when the only scheduled event was the seating of a prime minister? The state's response is calibrated to something, and the calendar says what: information had to stay off while the votes went in and the result came out. And look at who never got to vote at all. Seven constituencies — five in Poonch district, two in Sudhnoti, the protest belt around Rawalakot — have never elected their members. The election commission cited law and order and simply did not hold their polls. Two days before Friday's vote, the information ministry put in writing that "the electoral process in AJK has since been completed." Completed: an assembly of 53 seats with a present strength of 46, choosing a prime minister who himself holds no constituency, by 30 votes to 14, while the protest heartland has no members to cast either way. That is not an election that happened to occur during a blackout. That is a blackout doing what it was built to do: keeping the region's own residents from organizing, documenting, or contesting the process being run over their heads, from the announcement to the gavel. The proof is not a leaked memo — nobody has published an order of any kind, which is itself the tell. The proof is the shape. Shutdowns aimed at violence follow violence. This one followed the electoral calendar, division by division, and outlived the last ballot by eighteen days. The blackout wasn't the backdrop of the vote. It was the mechanism of it.

Infographic description

Three headline metrics show blackout day 84, 45 responsive network blocks against a pre-June baseline of 99, and seven seats never polled: five in Poonch and two in Sudhnoti. A timeline links 5 June, when the election was announced, the blackout began and the JAAC was proscribed; 10 August, the final polling day; 26 August, when the ministry said the electoral process had been completed; and 28 August, when a prime minister was elected 30–14 while the region remained dark. The ministry’s completion claim is set against the seven constituencies without elected members, supporting the conclusion that the shutdown followed the electoral calendar rather than documented violence.

Calibrated, lawful, and unprovable either way

Now give the government's counsel the floor, because the case is better than the coverage admits. Start with the violence: it is not historical. On Wednesday — two days before the vote — a member of the Pakistan Rangers was killed when armed men opened fire during a road-clearance operation. The ministry says it has repeatedly placed evidence of automatic weapons, hostage-taking and torture on the record. The movement denies violence; the dead soldier is not a denial. A state facing armed attacks on its personnel restricts communications in the affected areas. Governments everywhere do exactly this. Second, the measurements the critics wave around are consistent with the ministry's own account. The routing table still announces 287 of 290 address blocks. The fixed-line layer functions at reduced capacity. That is precisely what "calibrated, limited to areas affected by violence," with service "available in the majority of areas," would look like from outside. The critics' chart shows deprivation; it cannot show distribution — which areas, which users, which hours. The ministry's sentence and the desk's graph do not actually contradict each other. Third, the process. Phased polling under security certification is provided for in the region's electoral law; elections were staged, postponed where the commission would not certify safety, and completed where it would. The assembly reached 46 of 53 seats. Quorum was never challenged. The opposition did not boycott — it fielded a candidate, contested the vote, and took 14. The winner's technocrat seat is a constitutional creature, Article 22(1), filled the way the constitution says. A rigged chamber does not usually feature the ruling party's own regional president refusing to attend. And here is the limb the critics cannot answer — and this desk, honestly, cannot either. The piece's central proof is that mobile networks in Azad Kashmir are invisible to outside measurement. That proof cuts both ways. If nobody outside can measure the mobile layer, then nobody outside can prove service is NOT substantially restored in the "majority of areas" the ministry claims — and nobody can produce evidence that the blackout, rather than ordinary party politics, moved a single one of the 30 votes. The desk's reply is the calibration argument: the shutdown's clock matches the election's clock. That is inference from timing. It is a good inference. It is not a measurement, and counsel would say so — the whole indictment rests on a correlation the accusers admit they cannot instrument. Unprovable either way is not an acquittal. But it is not a conviction either, and only one side here is pretending otherwise.

Infographic description

Headline figures show 287 of 290 address blocks still announced, a 30–14 assembly vote with 46 of 53 seats filled, and only three networks measurable from outside, none of them mobile. One panel presents the government’s case: a Rangers member was killed two days before the vote, phased polling has a basis in electoral law, the opposition contested the vote, and the winner’s technocrat seat exists under Article 22(1). The opposing panel explains that outside observers cannot verify mobile restoration in the claimed majority of areas or prove that the blackout changed any of the 30 votes. A closing banner says the ministry’s statement and the graph do not directly contradict because the graph measures deprivation but not its distribution by area, user or hour.

Comics

#1The blackout wasn't during the election. It was the election.
Meme description

A mock live results wall for the Azad Kashmir assembly shows Gillani winning 30 votes to the opposition’s 14, with 44 votes polled in a chamber whose present strength is 46 of 53 seats; it also notes that the winner holds no constituency. Beside the count are seven static-filled panels labeled NO SIGNAL, five for Poonch and two for Sudhnoti. A breaking-news strip quotes the ministry saying the electoral process had been completed. The joke is that the missing feeds are not a broadcast fault: those seven constituencies have no members because their polls were never held.

#2Calibrated, lawful, and unprovable either way
Meme description

A mock regional monitoring wall shows a coverage grid with 45 lit dots against a pre-June baseline of 99 and warns that no probes reach the mobile layer. The routing table is marked NORMAL with 287 of 290 address blocks announced; reduced fixed-line service and the ministry’s claim that service is available in a majority of areas are also marked NORMAL. Mobile networks are marked NO DATA because none of the three externally measurable regional networks is mobile. The all-systems-normal banner carries an asterisk limiting ‘normal’ to layers outsiders can see, and the punch line ‘NO DATA ≠ NO PROBLEM’ explains that the disputed layer cannot trigger an alarm because it cannot be measured.